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Moore_15cRaleigh’s News & Observer ran a big profile of House Speaker Tim Moore over the weekend in which it highlighted the fact that Moore’s tenure has not quite matched the hard right ideological fervor of his predecessor, Thom Tillis, or the current leadership of the state Senate. At times, he’s even worked with Democrats to help pass some measures, including the budget and the recent state bond package. In addition, he’s made somewhat less use of the abusive tactics favored by Tillis for shutting down debate and occasionally has raised the ire of some fire-breathers on the far right.

Before observers get too carried away with this portrayal, however, it’s important to note that it says a lot more about how bizarrely extreme the modern right wing has become than it does about any significant moderation by Moore. By any fair assessment, Moore’s politics remain far to the right of Ronald Reagan. Consider the following items and issues on which Moore has adhered to or advanced a downright reactionary agenda:

Medicaid expansion:  On the single most important issue before state government — a policy change already enacted by Republicans all over the country that could save thousands of lives and lift up the state economy — Moore continues to do nothing.

Public education: Moore continues to help advance the Right’s pro-voucher, pro-charters privatization agenda and has done little-to-nothing to repair the damage inflicted on K-12 funding in recent years.

Environmental protection: Under Moore’s leadership, the list of proposals to gut environmental protection just keep on coming.

Taxes: Though he has not yet completely embraced the Senate’s extreme efforts to mimic the suicidal policies of states like Kansas, Moore continues to support additional tax cuts for corporations even as the state struggles to meet its most basic needs. He’s also done nothing to repair the damage caused by the  destructive 2013 tax cuts or to reinstate the critically important Earned Income Tax Credit.

LGBT equality, reproductive rights, the death penalty, guns: And, of course, Moore has promoted the far right “social agenda” on each of these issues in 2015, including: the discriminatory “religious freedom” law for magistrates and registers of deeds, the bill to up the state’s absurd  abortion waiting period, the bill to keep death penalty drugs shrouded in secrecy and the bill to introduce concealed weapons into even more venues.

The confederate flag: Moore has done nothing to end the state’s embarrassing display of the rebel flag on license plates and has made it harder to remove confederate memorials.

The bottom line: Speaker Moore may be an affable guy who takes it a tiny bit slower than some when it comes to the most extreme components of the far right agenda, but in a world in which much of the modern American Right backs Donald Trump for President and openly consorts with groups and individuals that favor “nullification” of federal laws, this should not be confused with “moderation.” On issue after issue, Moore continues push North Carolina dramatically and rapidly backwards.

Commentary

Columnist Myron B. Pitts of the Fayetteville Observer has an excellent, if sobering, essay this morning about the North Carolina General Assembly. It’s entitled “State’s decisions, from bad to abysmal” and it attempts to rank the worst decisions made by North Carolina lawmakers over the past half decade. Admittedly, Pitts has carved out a daunting task for himself, but see if you agree with his list, which starts with the awful 2013 tax changes and runs through the death-promoting decision to deny health insurance to hundreds of thousands of people.

NOTE: As the General Assembly is still in session, the list may well have to be updated in the coming weeks. Stay tuned and feel free to offer your additions.

Click here to read Pitts’ list.

NC Budget and Tax Center

Revenues that fuel the state budget are growing so slowly that they are not even keeping pace with population-plus-inflation growth, according to Barry Boardman who is the chief economist for the state legislature’s non-partisan Fiscal Research Division. Weak economic growth and tax cuts are keeping state revenues low, Boardman explained during a presentation that he gave to lawmakers earlier this week.

More tax cuts are looming too—a move that will sustain the damaging trend of slow revenue growth that makes it harder to meet basic needs and build a stronger economy. The House and Senate leadership put forward budgets that included additional tax cuts totaling approximately $652 million and $950 million, respectively, over the next two years.

The presentation shows that during the immediate years before the Great Recession, state revenues were growing faster than the inflation-plus-population benchmark. At that time, the state tax code was better suited and comprised of a progressive income tax based on ability to pay. The trend reversed after the 2008 fiscal year, with the population-plus-inflation growth rate outpacing revenue growth. The economic downturn caused revenues to plummet. And before revenues were able to fully recover back to pre-recession levels, lawmakers cut taxes deeply as part of the 2013 tax plan.

Revenues are not expected to outpace population-plus-inflation growth in either of the next two years; they are expected to remain below the long-run historical average. Read More

Commentary

There’s a new “must read” today from economist Patrick McHugh at the Budget and Tax Center. Here’s the summary:

North Carolina currently faces an important choice between two different paths for creating jobs and strengthening the economy, according to a new report from the Budget & Tax Center, a project of the NC Justice Center. One would make the state a research and commercial hub rivaling Silicon Valley and the Boston’s Route 128 corridor and the other would emphasize low taxes and lax regulation.

Governor McCrory often emphasizes the innovation-driven strategy, calling for North Carolina to become the third “vertex of innovation” through proposals that would build on decades of public investment in education as well as partnerships between research institutions and the private sector. However, the state also continues to reduce taxes, particularly for the wealthiest North Carolinians, and ask less of large, profitable multinational corporations when it comes to paying for public services. North Carolina now faces the decision about whether to compete on price or on quality.

“The low-tax strategy is about competing on price – making the state a cheap place to do business in the short run by reducing companies’ taxes,” said Patrick McHugh, policy analyst with the Budget & Tax Center and author of the report. “The innovation-driven strategy is about enabling North Carolina workers and companies to produce quality goods that cannot be found everywhere. Cutting taxes has already scaled back precisely the kinds of investment that are needed to compete with the Bostons and Silicon Valleys of the world.”

These innovation centers have both outdone North Carolina and our neighbors to the south in the aftermath of the recession. Massachusetts had 4.1 percent more jobs in February of 2015 than it did at the end of 2007, and even California, which was slammed particularly hard by the collapse of the housing market, has managed to get employment back to 3.4 percent above the pre-recession level. Read More

NC Budget and Tax Center

It is becoming ever clearer that recent tax cuts have not endeared North Carolina to the entire business community. Proponents of the 2013 tax cuts argued that they would create a more competitive and business-friendly climate. Looking at recent business climate rankings, however, undermines this argument in two key ways.

First, multinational corporations already liked North Carolina just fine before the latest tax cuts. Second, the tax cuts have undermined our economic competitiveness in other important areas.

The 2014 Top Competitive States ranking by Site Selection, in which North Carolina is ranked #1, suggests that the tax cuts worked. However, North Carolina has consistently been at or near the top of the Site Selection rankings for a decade, including being #1 in some years prior to the 2013 round of tax changes. This ranking is largely based on the level of private capital investment a state secures, the number of jobs created, and a state’s tax climate – as determined by the conservative Tax Foundation. Essentially, low tax rates and high levels of capital investments – made possible in part due to generous economic incentives provided to corporations by state governments – benefits a state’s performance in this ranking. Read More