Courts & the Law, Defending Democracy, News

Judges: Voters unhappy with 2016 special session should take care of it at the ballot box, not in court

The judicial branch of government has no right to tell the General Assembly how quickly laws must be enacted nor can it require them to give advance public notice ahead of a legislative special session, according to a state Court of Appeals opinion released today.

The plaintiffs in Common Cause v. Forest challenged the 2016 special legislative session in which two bills were passed that fundamentally changed the balance of power between governmental branches. The session was called with no advance notice to the public, and there were 26 separate bills filed at the time, which the plaintiffs’ attorney said at the hearing was to distract from the legislation that ultimately passed.

A unanimous, bipartisan three-judge appellate panel rejected the argument that the people have a right to instruct their representatives via a time limit for public notice of a special session.

“The right protected [the right to instruct] is one of open access to the law-making process and of open communication with one’s representatives in that process,” the opinion states. “The courts have the power to defend that right. But the decision of how quickly particular laws, on particular subjects, must be enacted is a political question reserved for another branch of government.”

Judge Richard Dietz wrote the opinion, with Judges Hunter Murphy and Allegra Collins concurring. He wrote that the judicial branch has no constitutional authority to demand from the legislative branch an explanation of why a particular bill must move quickly to  enactment, much less the authority to review whether that explanation is “valid.”

He also wrote the plaintiffs did not show they were denied the right to instruct their representatives.

“They have shown, at most, that their representatives chose not to listen to them,” the document states. “That may be a reason not to vote for those representatives in the future; it is not a constitutional violation.”

The bills that were passed out of the challenged special session were Senate Bill 4, which changed the structure of state and county boards of elections and the State Ethics Commission, created partisan appellate judicial elections, and stripped the newly elected governor of the power to administer the Industrial Commission, and House Bill 17, which transferred power from the state Board of Education to the Superintendent of Public Instruction.

There has already been extensive litigation over the substance of those bills rather than the special session itself.

Bob Phillips, Executive Director of Common Cause NC, said Tuesday they are considering whether to appeal the opinion to the state Supreme Court.

“There was no justifiable reason for the special legislative session that was hatched in secrecy,” he said in a news release. “It was a deliberate effort by Republican legislative leaders to keep citizens in the dark about their plans to engage in a nakedly partisan power grab.”

Read the full appellate opinion below.



COA Common Cause Challenge (Text)

Commentary, Courts & the Law, News

The week’s top stories on Policy Watch

Commentary:
1. Make no mistake. The budget failed because Republicans failed to compromise.

There is a temptation—and believe me, I understand it—to celebrate the fleeting nature of this week’s special session of the North Carolina state legislature as some sort of coup.

Resist that temptation, even if the sight of an ostensibly frustrated Phil Berger is a new one to these tired eyes.

Berger and his compatriots in the Republican caucus enjoyed near unchecked power in the last decade. A post-Obama surge of conservatives played a modest part in that, although the gerrymandering did its part too. [Read more…]

2. Pipelines, roads and railways: This is why you should care about Trump’s rollback of NEPA, a key environmental law

By the time the new Interstate 885 opens in Durham later this year, some of the people who conceived of the original project will have been long dead.

In the works for 60 years, the East End Connector, as Durhamites call it, funnels traffic over four miles from NC 147 to US 70 and onto I-85, to reduce congestion on surface streets.

But environmental laws did not slow-walk the project. In fact, when the highway was first conceived in the early 1960s, there was no EPA. There was no Clean Water Act, no Clean Air Act. There was no NEPA — National Environmental Policy Act. All those laws were passed in the 1970s. [Read more…]

3. NC’s new “Raise the Age” law appears to be off to a promising start

New facilities and policies offer hope to 16 and 17 year-olds once consigned to the adult corrections system

Tall trees and a rocky, woodsy landscape envelop the C.A. Dillon juvenile detention campus in Butner. Save for the tall metal fence that rings the confinement building, the area could be mistaken for a summer camp or private school grounds.

The feeling that greets the visitor of wanting to go for a group hike or play flag football with old pals quickly diminishes inside, however, as the smell of fresh paint permeates the building and barred windows and concrete walls remind you that this isn’t a fun trip away from home. But it won’t be like that forever – after all, this isn’t jail.[Read more…]

4. State lawmaker’s failure to disclose business ties highlights broader ethics enforcement problem

State Rep. Holly Grange (R-New Hanover) failed to disclose a business owned and operated by her husband on state Statement of Economic Interest (SEI) forms for several years, according to documents reviewed by Policy Watch.

In North Carolina, public officials are required to disclose connections to all non-publicly owned companies by which they or their immediate family members are employed or in which they have an interest.

Grange’s husband, David Grange, registered his “consulting” business Osprey at Compass Pointe LLC with the state Secretary of State’s office in July 2015. Yet the business did not appear on Grange’s SEI form in 2016, when she was first appointed to a state House seat to replace incumbent Rick Catlin. She ran unopposed for the seat in that year’s election. Rep. Grange also did not list the business on her SEI forms in 2017 or 2018. In February 2018, the business was administratively dissolved by the Secretary of State’s office for failure to file an annual report. [Read more…] Read more

Courts & the Law, Defending Democracy, News

A “Raise the Age” breakdown by districts across the state

North Carolina officially implemented Raise the Age legislation Dec. 1, 2019 — the change in law means that most 16- and 17-year-olds no longer have to go through the adult criminal justice system and anyone under the age of 18 no longer goes to adult jail.

The Department of Public Safety’s Juvenile Justice division has been hard at work making sure law enforcement, court staff and stakeholders are updated about how the change is coming along. Part of its implementation process involves keeping close track of the numbers — how many Raise the Age complaints are made, how many juveniles are detained, and at some point, trying to figure out the rate of recidivism.

The first set of numbers associated with the new law was released earlier this month at the Juvenile Jurisdiction Advisory Committee meeting as part of an initial interim report to lawmakers about Raise the Age.

As reported by NC Policy Watch yesterday, so far, the projections the committee made have generally been close to, or a little under, what was expected. It’s a trend Deputy Secretary William Lassiter hopes holds.

The committee projected 1,683 Raise the Age complaints in the month of December – the first month of implementation – but preliminary data shows there were only 407. It was anticipated there would be 60 juveniles detained that first month, and reports show there were 78.

The numbers can and probably will change, after all, investigations are still ongoing. The committee will complete another interim report in May, though, to give lawmakers and the public a more accurate picture of how implementation is taking off.

Check out the table below for a preliminary district breakdown of Raise the Age complaints in December.

Raise the Age complaints by district

The age of juvenile jurisdiction was officially raised as of Dec. 1 to include 16- and 17-year-olds. The following table reflects preliminary data from the month of December in 2019 and shows how many Raise the Age complaints were made to each district in the state. A Raise the Age complaint is defined as complaints received on juveniles ages 16 and 17. The data was provided by the Department of Public Safety's Juvenile Justice division and is current as of Jan. 8, 2020.
District numberNumber of Raise the Age complaints
District 01<5
District 026
District 0312
District 0410
District 05<5
District 06<5
District 0710
District 08<5
District 09<5
District 1024
District 1112
District 12<5
District 13<5
District 149
District 1510
District 166
District 175
District 189
District 1916
District 206
District 215
District 229
District 235
District 24<5
District 25<5
District 2616
District 2716
District 2811
District 2911
District 30<5
Courts & the Law, Defending Democracy, News

Today: Absentee by-mail voting kicks off March primary election

ATLANTA, GA – NOVEMBER 06: Voters cast their ballots at a polling station set up at Grady High School for the mid-term elections on November 6, 2018 in Atlanta, Georgia. Georgia has a tight race to elect the state’s next Governor. (Photo by Jessica McGowan/Getty Images)

The State Board of Elections will begin mailing out absentee by-mail ballots today to voters who request them for the March primary election.

Any North Carolina voter is eligible to vote absentee by mail. Primary Election Day is March 3 and the absentee by-mail ballots must be requested from the voter’s county board of elections by 5 p.m. Tuesday, Feb. 25. Voters will select the political party nominees to appear on the Nov. 3 General Election ballot.

“By-mail absentee voting officially launches the 2020 primary election,” said State Board Executive Director Karen Brinson Bell in a news release. “Any registered voter in North Carolina may request a mail-in absentee ballot for the primary.”

To vote absentee, voters must complete a 2020 state absentee ballot request form. Voters who submit a valid request will receive a ballot from their county board of elections. The materials will include detailed instructions for how to complete and return the ballot, according to the State Board.

There are changes to the absentee voting process this year, including that an absentee request form is only valid if returned to the county board by the voter, the voter’s near relative, legal guardian or Multipartisan Assistance Team (MAT); forms cannot be emailed or faxed; and, if a voter needs help completing the request form due to blindness, disability or inability to read or write and a relative or legal guardian is not available, they can get help from another person, who must list their name and address on the form.

There are five primary ballots available to voters representing the following political parties: Constitution, Democratic, Green, Libertarian and Republican. Voters affiliated with one of those political parties must vote with that primary ballot — unaffiliated voters can choose a Republican, Democratic or Libertarian primary ballot, or a nonpartisan one if available.

One-stop, in-person early voting for the primary begins Thursday, Feb. 13 and runs through Saturday, Feb. 29. A photo-ID is not required to vote in the primary election.

Visit the State Board’s absentee voting page online for more information.

Courts & the Law, Defending Democracy, News

Flower to the people: NC law enforcement, prosecutors say not so fast

Industrial hemp in a greenhouse (Photo: NC Industrial Hemp Association)

North Carolina law enforcement officials and prosecutors are getting blunt about their position on smokable hemp: it looks like weed, it smells like weed and officers can’t tell it apart from weed, so ban it.

“Since smokable hemp and marijuana are indistinguishable by appearance and odor, without enactment of legislation clearly banning smokable hemp, we will have de facto legalization of marijuana,” states a joint press release from North Carolina Sheriffs’ Association, the NC Conference of District Attorneys, the NC Association of Chiefs of Police and the NC State Bureau of Investigation.

The organizations are urging lawmakers to pass Senate Bill 315, the North Carolina Farm Act of 2019, as soon as possible so law enforcement, prosecutors, licensed farmers and the public “clearly know what hemp substances are lawful and unlawful.” The bill was passed by the Senate in last year’s long session but stalled in the House, with most of the division focused on the smokable hemp section.

SB 315 defines smokable hemp as “harvested raw or dried hemp plant material, including hemp buds or hemp flowers, hemp cigars, and hemp cigarettes.” Hemp and marijuana both come from the cannabis plant, but hemp contains much smaller amounts of THC, the illegal psychoactive compound that causes the high from marijuana. Federal law currently defines industrial hemp as cannabis plants containing less than 0.3 percent THC by dry weight (marijuana can contain more than 30 percent).

CBD oil and similar extracts, plus rope, textiles, food products — all derived from hemp — would remain legal under SB 315.

Law enforcement already pleaded with lawmakers during last year’s session to prohibit smokable hemp. Their arguments now have not changed.

“There is no practical way for law enforcement officers to distinguish the flowering variety of hemp (i.e. smokable hemp) from marijuana because it is the same plant,” states the Tuesday news release. “The plant looks and smells the same (unburned or burned), whether it is hemp or marijuana. The only difference is the level of THC contained in the plant.”

The release points out that there is currently no validated field test which distinguishes the difference between smokable hemp and marijuana. Police narcotics detection K9s can’t tell the difference either, because they are trained to detect THC, which presents in both plants.

The North Carolina State Crime Laboratory also currently does not have the appropriate equipment or personnel necessary to determine the concentration of THC which is necessary to distinguish smokable hemp from marijuana, according to the release.

Farmers said last year during committee meetings that the concerns over the smokable plant were overblown. If they can’t grow smokable products, it would put their budding industry at an economic disadvantage compared with other states that do allow it. The North Carolina Hemp Retailers Association and the North Carolina Industrial Hemp Association could not be reached for comment Tuesday afternoon.

The controversy over smokable hemp isn’t just unfolding in North Carolina. Louisiana and Indiana banned smokable hemp sales last year, and Texas banned smokable hemp manufacturing. Kentucky banned sales of hemp cigarettes, cigars, whole hemp buds and ground flowers in 2018, according to an article on the Pew Charitable Trusts website.

Nationally, people spend more money on hemp CBD oil than on smokable flower, the Pew article states. The biggest CBD product category — tinctures — hit about $1 billion in sales in 2019, said Virginia Lee, CBD research manager at the Brightfield Group, a cannabis market research firm based in Chicago.

By contrast, an estimated $70.6 million of hemp CBD pre-roll and raw flower were sold in the United States in 2019, Lee said. But, she said, those sales are growing.

North Carolina lawmakers return Tuesday. It’s not clear yet whether House members will take SB 315 up again — if passed, the smokable hemp ban would be effective beginning June 1.